After Raid, Who Protects The Workers?

19 June, 2026

Anuza Rimal

The recent government raid on a recruitment agency accused of illegally charging workers for jobs in Malaysia has once again placed Nepal’s labour migration system under public scrutiny. Authorities sealed the office, detained the individuals involved, and framed the operation as an important action against labour exploitation. Such actions are needed because illegal recruitment practices violate workers’ rights and the principle of ethical recruitment. But how does the government address the issues faced by job seekers who have paid a large sum of money to a local subagent? While enforcement actions target perpetrators, they often overlook the financial, social, and psychological consequences experienced by the aspirant migrant workers who have spent significant amounts of resources during their migration process.

While dealing with sensitive issues like labour exploitation, accountability is required; injustice and exploitation do not end after government raids. Illegal recruitment practices need to be investigated and punished by the law. But one critical question remains largely ignored and unaddressed. What happens to the job seekers after the government’s raid? In Nepal, for many low-income families, migration is not simply an employment process; it is a survival strategy and a means to earn bread and butter. According to a study done by Animesh Ghimire in 2024 found that labour migration in Nepal is shaped by financial hardship, unemployment, and debt.

During the migration process, by the time workers reach the recruitment stage, many have already spent substantial amounts of money on transportation, accommodation in Kathmandu, medical examinations, documentation, orientation programmes, and repeated visits to manpower offices. Some even leave their local jobs, believing that overseas departure is guaranteed. Whereas others borrow money from relatives, local lenders, loan sharks, or informal financial networks, which charge extremely high interest rates. An inquiry commission on meter byaji victims, led by Gauri Bahadur Karki, reported that the majority of victims of meter byaji were migrant workers and left-over family members of migrant workers. The report further noted that local meter byaji loan sharks specifically target aspirant migrant workers because they need money to pay off their high recruitment fees.

A similar finding was reported in 2022 research conducted by the International Labour Migration and Jureidini, and when recruitment suddenly collapses due to legal investigations or agency closures, the workers are often left financially stranded. The agency may be sealed by the government, but the financial burden carried by the jobseekers remains active. If Nepal is serious about ethical recruitment, then the enforcement of ethical recruitment should be accompanied by meaningful rehabilitation mechanisms. Victims of recruitment should be provided with emergency support, legal support, debt counselling, and expedited compensation procedures. Reimbursement of workers should be set out in clear procedures, and asset recovery should be the highest priority in areas where illegal fees have been paid.

The government should also establish ethical redeployment mechanisms to ensure that affected employees connect with confirmed employers and recruitment agencies without having to repeat the recruitment process. Furthermore, more stringent rules and controls are needed on subagents. Subagents are an integral part of the recruitment system, as they are responsible for mediating between recruitment agencies and workers, and sometimes also for collecting fees, but they are rarely under effective control and are largely held accountable. Exploitation needs to be tackled at many levels; it is not limited to licensed agencies, but it should cover the wider recruitment process by which so many workers are exposed to abuse.

Besides the financial loss, while handling the sensitive issues like labour exploitation there are interconnected but very crucial problems such as professionalism, confidentiality, trust in institutions, and victim protection. The identity and confidentiality of workers, whistleblowers, journalists, and informants should be safeguarded during the investigation process. Sharing confidential data in the public eye will discourage the reporting of information and trust in institutions responsible for worker protection. Those government officials working on such cases should receive training in confidentiality, informed consent, and victim-centred case management.

Migration governance

Good migration governance requires to enforce strict laws, and it should also protect workers, job seekers, and their family members from further harm or retaliation when they report migration abuse. Trust is a needed element of accountability and is only properly sustained when institutions are professional and respectful to the rights of the people they are supposed to serve. Raids, arrests, and reactive actions alone won’t be sufficient to support Nepal’s migration governance or the dream of creating safer migration. Legal action against unethical and illegal recruitment practices is urgently needed; however, leaving job seekers to deal with the repercussions after a raid is also insufficient and shows a lack of accountability from the government’s side.

Accountability and rehabilitation, compensation, debt bondage protection, ethical redeployment, and robust safeguards for confidentiality and worker welfare are all essential elements of a truly ethical recruitment system. The effectiveness of the labour migration governance should not be judged by the number of recruitment agencies that are raided or by the number of people detained. Instead, it should be judged by whether victims are covered before, during, and after the failure of the system. Without worker rehabilitation being part of the enforcement process, justice in the migration system will be incomplete, and it will further jeopardise the financial, mental, and social wellbeing of job seekers and migrant workers.

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© Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility. 2024