Every day, a large number of unemployed Nepali youths depart the country through Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA). The agony, anguish, frustration and glimpses of defeat can be easily perceived on their faces. In pursuit of a bright and financially secure future, they leave their families and homeland by paying exorbitant fees to manpower agencies and recruitment agents. The hardship and struggle of these migrant workers start even before they leave the country – at the TIA in the form of procedural complications and misbehaviour by immigration officials. Once they leave the country, the unofficial modern-day slavery in the Middle East is on the offering. It is evident that most of those labourers are physically and financially exploited largely by fellow Nepali managers and recruitment/labour supply middlemen abroad.
In order to create a mutual network of global Nepali diaspora and supporting the deprived migrant labourers in the Middle East, the concept of the Non-resident Nepali Association (NRNA) was conceived by some eminent Nepali expatriates in the early 2000s. With this noble motive and with a guiding philosophy – once a Nepali always a Nepali – the NRNA was formally established on October 11, 2003. In 2007, the Non-resident Nepali Act was promulgated by the government to support the objective of the NRNA and bring the Nepali diaspora under one organisational umbrella. This act provided legal status to the Nepali community living abroad.
During the initial years, the NRNA expanded steadily; its mentors, pioneers and office bearers focused entirely on building a network of Nepali diaspora and expanding the global reach of the organisation. However, with the expansion of the organisation, the exemplary momentum of the NRNA got disrupted as the political partisanship, personal ego and petty interests of its office bearers and members abruptly got the better of the organisation.
With the global expansion of NRNA, its initial objectives were gradually sidelined, with the office bearers and members increasingly prioritising personal advancement – often by catering to the unethical demands of political leaders. The social and non-political organisation gradually metamorphosed into a sister organisation of the political parties. At the moment, the political alignment of NRNA office bearers is evident through their actions. As a Nepali citizen living abroad, I have personally witnessed executive members of the NRNA regularly lining up at airports to receive political leaders arriving from Nepal. Over that, the mainstream political parties have continuously and amenably included NRNA members in their proportional representation lists for parliamentary elections, further blurring the line between diaspora representation and domestic political interests. Moreover, I have encountered many NRNA office bearers being involved in illegal and immoral activities abroad. These actions have collectively plummeted the reputation of the NRNA that was once considered the umbrella organisation of the Nepali diaspora.
The lowest point in the history of the NRNA emanated in 2021, when the organisation underwent an unceremonious split into two rival factions – one backed by the incumbent Chairperson, Dr Shesh Ghale, and the other challenging his leadership while claiming to represent the legitimate continuation of the organisation. However, the latter also struggled to reach a consensus in selecting its leadership. Consequently, the appointment of three chairperson candidates to the leadership became an embarrassing and unconstitutional affair. Regrettably, the two-year tenure of three chairpersons did not yield any notable accomplishments, and the organisation was fraught with internal power struggles, which extended to numerous national coordinating committees (NCC) around the world. The faction supported by Dr Ghale also struggled to exert a meaningful influence and prove its existence since the split of the NRNA in 2021.
Since then, both factions within the NRNA have been actively vying for legal recognition, frequently seeking backing from particular political leaders. But many of its founding members and mentors have remained conspicuously silent, despite their growing disillusionment. Some of the NRNA founders are thinking of establishing a parallel diaspora organisation, such as Nepali academicians abroad or a Nepali expatriate association.
Recently, the NRNA conducted the so-called unity general convention, as mandated by the Supreme Court. However, the legal-claiming NRNA executive committee led by Dr Badri KC refused to participate in the unity convention coordinated by Dr Ghale. Despite that, the unity convention elected a new executive committee under the leadership of Mahesh Shrestha. The legality of this convention is dubious as one faction has not participated in the proceedings. However, Foreign Minister Dr Arzu Rana Deuba has asserted that the event would be officially recognised as per the Supreme Court’s directive. Conversely, media reports have relayed that Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has avowed the legality of the KC-led faction. These developments seem to have formally resulted in the division of the NRNA.
The internal rifts and disputes within the NRNA pose a serious and unfortunate threat to the unity of the global Nepali diaspora. Rather than focusing on the welfare of Nepali communities abroad, particularly on the well-being of the vulnerable migrant labour force in the Middle East, the NRNA leadership has increasingly prioritised appeasing political leaders in Nepal. This deviation from its founding mission has ultimately contributed to the decline of an organisation once envisioned as a vital bridge between Nepali expatriates and their homeland. This is a big loss for the Nepali community living abroad.
